Zionism, from its beginning, included a battle plan to reconquer Biblical land given to the Israelis according to Genesis 15 and Exodus 23. Menachem Begin called it “the restoration of the whole Land of Israel to its God-covenanted owners.” Chaim Weizmann, the president of the WZO, testified it was the fulfillment of God’s “promise to his people,” and socialist leader Ben-Gurion affirmed that “the Bible is our Mandate.”
There was never any serious thought about what to do with the usurpers living on their land. They were obstacles that needed removal. A partnership between the Zionists and the indigenous Arabs was not possible nor ever considered. The Zionists were on a mission, an exclusive pursuit of a divine right to Palestine.
Politicide
The British Mandate mentions Palestine as a place but does not refer to Palestinians as a people. It describes the triad of players as His Majesty’s Government, the Jewish people, and the existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine.
Politicide is a term coined by Israeli sociologist Baruch Kimmerling, describing the process as using omission and commission to destroy a people. To politicide Palestinians was the first step toward their mission.
The omission in the Balfour Declaration and the British Mandate for Palestine was structured. (1918-1948) Both documents never mention the people, the Palestinians, by name. Rashid Khalidi reflects on the symbolic absence of naming the Palestinians in the Mandate, writing, “As far as Great Britain and the League of Nations are concerned, they were not a people.”
This blog explores the commissioning aspect of how the British fulfilled the Mandate directive to relegate the Palestinians as subservient to the Zionist reconquest project. (Israel)
If You Build It, They Will Come
By the end of the 1920s, the Jewish Agency was established and authorized by the British ruling cabinet and had become the veritable government of the Yishuv. (Jewish population in Palestine) The evolution of the agency began in 1908 as the Palestine Office of the Zionist Organization, later the Zionist Commission, and then the Palestine Zionist Executive. It was always the operative branch of the World Zionist Organization. (WZO)
The Mandate encouraged cooperation between Zionist and British institutions in Palestine. The British allowed and promoted the Jewish Agency to deal with political affairs, economic affairs, immigration, settlement, and other matters. In return, the agency showed the British exactly how a Jewish state would work. They asserted their political rights over the indigenous, produced detailed maps and irrigation plans, debated the technicalities of government procedure, and exhibited a knowledge of how government functioned.
By contrast, the British denied the Palestinians political rights, making it increasingly difficult for Palestinian leaders to participate, thus negating their political existence. This structural exclusion of the Palestinians meant that the Mandate government and its subcontractor, the Zionist settler-colonial project, rolled on relentlessly without them.
Palestinians built their political structures without the support of the Mandate state. Many of those structures emerged from resistance to the British occupation of Palestine. The Peel Commission testimony would, years later, confirm a structural exclusion of the Palestinians from British decision-making was policy. No amount of paternalistic affection could counterbalance the day-to-day contact between Zionists and British colonial bureaucrats.
Wild In The Streets
Beginning in the 1920s, the Palestinian fellahin, the peasant farmers (over two-thirds of the indigenous Arab population) were being forced off the land in increasingly large numbers into urban environments of unemployment, poverty, and social marginalization.
Fueled by a dispute between Muslims and Jews over access to the Western Wall, a series of demonstrations and riots in late August 1929 escalated into deadly violence. From August 23 to August 29, there were 133 Jews killed, 339 Jews were injured, 116 Arabs killed, and 232 were wounded.
The British government commissioned an inquiry to investigate the 1929 rioting. The report, The Passfield White Paper, concluded that the cause of rioting was the result of Arab fears of the continual Jewish immigration and land purchases, particularly resonating from a growing Arab landless class.
The report concluded that Zionist policy had severely damaged the economic development of the Arab population and also pointed out that the Jewish-only labor policy enhanced unemployment in the Arab sector. The Passfield White Paper proposed to limit Jewish immigration to Palestine and Jewish purchase of Arab land.
The Paper proved to be feckless. With the World Zionist Organization headquartered in London, adroit lobbying in Parliament by Chaim Weizman, and the Histadrut, Hapoel Hatzair, Ahdut HaAvoda, Poale Zion, and the Jewish Agency firmly embedded in the British Mandate political sphere would only be a matter of time before the Paper was ignored or rescinded.
That came with the issuing of a letter from British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald to Chaim Weizmann (President – Zionist World Organization) reaffirmed British support for the continuation of Jewish immigration and land purchase in Palestine. This submission letter, prompted by claims of anti-Semitism by the Zionists, was dubbed the Black Letter by the Palestinians. It was an unofficial (official) withdrawal of the Passfield White Paper.
The Revolution Will Not Be Televised
In the crowded shanty towns in Jaffa and Haifa, the young Palestinians found encouragement in the teachings of the charismatic preacher Izz ad-Din al-Qassam. His following came from the landless ex-tenant farmers drifting into Haifa from Upper Galilee. These areas were most affected by purchases of agricultural land by the Jewish National Fund and the Hebrew labor policy. These policies had dispossessed the Arabs of land and many of their traditional livelihoods.
In April 1936, growing unrest among the Arab community of Palestine led to the outbreak of a revolt initially as an urban-led campaign of civil disobedience directed against the Zionist presence in Palestine. The British instituted financial penalties, curfews, and house demolitions upon the Palestinians. They soon followed up by militarization, as they turned schools into barracks and injected violence into everyday spaces. State violence as a retaliation tool and mass punishment ran rampant.
To further the pain of the Palestinian quest to maintain their country, the British released The Peel Commission (1936–37) report. It was the first British commission of inquiry to recommend the partition of Palestine into two states. The division of British-occupied Palestine into physically segregated Arab and Jewish territories was a foreshadowing of the removal and relocation of Palestinians from their homes to designated Palestinian land.
This revelation thus began the second phase of the Arab rebellion. The rebellion proved more violent, and the peasant-led resistance movement increasingly targeted British forces. The colonial state responded with more interventions in Arab daily life. The Mandate security forces hoped that the increased force, the infliction of more economic losses, and the damage to Palestinian property would break the rebel movement.
The British targeted the Palestinians, routines of work, school, worship, and travel. They intensified curfews, instituted mass incarceration and forced labor, and the revocation of free movement. The military took their campaign of collective punishments ever further, constricting and diminishing the life of the colonized and ruthlessly exploiting the damage they did to the substance and fabric of Palestinian lives.
The retooled British counterinsurgency brought economic instability and physical insecurity. Socioeconomic foundations of society and cracking the institutional bases of the revolutionary movement. The onslaught of collective punishments destroyed the daily life of Arab Palestinians, forcing sacrifice and suffering onto households far and wide and making the quest for freedom and self-determination ever more costly and untenable.
The Israelis learned well from their British mentors. It remains in Israel today, in the occupied Palestinian territories of Gaza and The West Bank. The Arab Revolt was a forecast for Palestinian viability to develop and maintain a resilient popular movement. Without any support, the Great Revolt was soon in tatters.
The Palestine Rebellion of 1936–39 was the most defiant of British imperial authority in the first half of the twentieth century. It had a price. The brutal crushing of the rebellion by the British army, the killing and hanging and collective punishment, the dismantling of Palestinian political organizations, the arrest and exile of Palestinian leaders, and the systematic disarmament of the Palestinian population shifted the balance of power in favor of the Zionists.
The Palestinian national movement came to a tragic end. The brutal crushing of the rebellion by the British army, the killing, hanging, collective punishment, the dismantling of Palestinian political organizations, the arrest and exile of Palestinian leaders, and the systematic disarmament of the Palestinian population massively and irreversibly shifted the balance of power in favor of the Yishuv.
Palestinians were demoralized and disorganized. “Palestinians began a disorienting period of transition during which they lost control over their fate.” An independent Palestinian government was not palatable to regional Arab nations and had strong opposition from those with power, including the British, Transjordan, and the Zionists.
Never Let A Crisis Go To Waste
As early as 1920, Ben-Gurion and his Labor colleagues had decided on the need for a secret underground army, the Haganah, on the realistic assumption that to convert a country whose vast majority was Arab into a Jewish national home required direct military force that the British government might not always be willing to provide. The word Haganah in Hebrew characteristically means self-defense.
At war’s end, Britain had created a Jewish auxiliary colonial army twenty thousand strong, which it armed, trained, and officered. This military force became the official Jewish army, the Jewish Settlement Police. (JSP) Once the Haganah army of thirty thousand men merged into the JSP, with a population of less than a half million, it became one of the most militarized communities in the world.
With the United Nations Resolution 181 (Partitioning of Palestine) and the Israeli independence proclamation on the horizon, the challenges for the Zionists were twofold. 1) How to get rid of the British, now that they served their purpose, and 2) How to market “The Nakba”, the catastrophe.